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Tunde Kelani and Onookome Okome, Nigeria
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Nigerian Popular Videos :: Thunderbolt
Screenings: Thursday,
Oct 16 at 6.00 p.m. &
Saturday, Oct 18 at 6.30 p.m
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The
Directors:
In
2003, we are featuring one of the best known and most
experienced Nigerian video directors: Tunde Kelani (left),
with his film Thunderbolt (see below). Accompanying Tunde will
be the Nigerian popular culture expert, Dr Onookome Okome (right),
who has made an in-depth study on the social significance of
popular video films in Nigeria. He is co-editor with Jonathan
Haynes of Cinema and Social Change in West Africa (Jos:
Nigerian Film Corporation, 1997) and author of numerous
articles. He is working on a book-length study: The Anxiety of
the Local and the Video Film in Nigeria. A peripatetic
scholar, Dr. Okome has spent the last 10 years tracking the
careers of video film makers in Nigeria and Ghana; he
currently holds a position in the Department of English,
University of Alberta, Canada.
The
Films:
Nigerian
Popular Videos
What most
people think of as ‘African cinema’ is, by and large, film
from the countries of francophone West Africa. There are
various reasons for this: France’s desire to maintain its
cultural influence in its ex-colonies, which has led to
opportunities for training and production financing; related
to that, the siting of the biennial Pan-African Film Festival
(FESPACO) in Burkina Faso, a francophone West African country;
and the positive response of western art-house audiences to
the camerawork and narrative style and pace of many of the
films, have all meant that these are the films which have come
to characterise ‘African cinema’.
Ironically,
however, apart from FESPACO, and due partly to problems of
distribution, such films are little seen in Africa itself,
circulating mainly in festivals in Europe and the USA.
Meanwhile, films from anglophone Africa have a much lower
profile, although South Africa in particular is putting effort
into building a film industry. In two countries – Nigeria
and Ghana – economic collapse has meant conventional
film-making has become prohibitively expensive. In this
climate, artistic and financial entrepreneurship has taken off
in a new direction: popular video.
Where
‘art-house’ films with international financing function
independently of the marketplace, Nigerian video, in contrast,
is wholly intended for and financed by a local mass market. It
is estimated that last year alone over 600 features length
videos were produced in Nigeria; one distributor reports
selling over 500,000 tapes a year. The new Nigerian video
industry is without doubt one of the most vibrant new
developments in world cinema today.
Videos are
cheap to produce; with budgets as small as $4,000, shooting
rarely lasts more than ten days or two weeks. The break-even
point is 10,000 units sold and a successful title can sell
over 100,000 copies. Videos are treated like any other
commodity, with over 30 stalls in the Lagos central market
devoted to them, where they sell for between 300 and 400 Naira
(US$2.25 - US$3.00). The majority of cassettes reportedly are
bought by "housewives" affluent enough to afford a
VCR. The poorer majority of Nigerians see these productions in
video theatres, originally little more than a spare room in
someone's house but with the advent of video projection,
discrete facilities.
Given the
conditions of their production, it is hardly surprising that
what results is hastily produced, inexpensive popular
entertainment rather than art films. There is a heavy
influence from soap opera and a focus on the Lagos elite,
simultaneously ogling their material success while deploring
their corruption. Infidelity and supernatural intervention
figure prominently, often together. With its big producers,
cut-throat competition and stars who command a huge following,
the video phenomenon has been dubbed ‘Nollywood’ in some
quarters. The emergence of a vital and prolific popular cinema
in Nigeria could be regarded as an important African response
to the encroachment of Western pop culture in this age of
global information flows. Rather than aping foreign models,
however, it is closer to an earlier tradition of indigenous
popular performance such as the hugely successful Yoruba
Traveling Theatre of the 70s and 80s. It is a window into a
particular contemporary African society, offering fascinating
insights into how people see themselves, their aspirations and
fears, including the desire for material well-being and
status, and the value attached to pleasure and entertainment
in an uncertain post-colonial world.
Thunderbolt
(2000)
Country:
Nigeria
Running Time: 110 mins
Language: English
Genre: Feature
Thunderbolt is
distinguished from many of the more sensational video stories
by attempting to treat a political theme - national unity -
important unfinished business for Nigeria in the aftermath of
the brutal Civil War of the 1960s.
The first half
of the film is in a sense a retelling of the Othello story -
except the protagonists are not Abyssinian and Venetian but
Yoruba and Ibo. Yinka and Ngozi met in the National Youth
Service Corps; Ngozi is finishing her stint as a teacher in a
village while Yinka already works as a construction engineer
in a nearby city. The seeds of jealousy are planted when a
friend of Yinka, like Iago in the Shakespeare play, suggests
that Ngozi is having a secret affair because "Ibo are
untrustworthy." Adding to Yinka's suspicions, Ngozi has
recently inherited some money and so is a financially
independent woman. In this half, as in the Shakespeare play or
any standard Western melodrama, the action is propelled
entirely by psychological motivations.
In
the second half of the film a distinctly West African emphasis
on the supernatural comes to the fore; curses and ritual
cleansing take the place of psychological explanations. An old
man (possibly the spirit of her grandmother) warns Ngozi that
her death is imminent and will strike her like a thunderbolt.
We later learn that Yinka has placed the curse of magun upon
her, a curse reserved for those suspected of infidelity. Magun
is described as "African AIDS"; any man who has sex
with a woman infected with it will die - but not before
crowing like a rooster, doing somersaults or vomiting blood.
On the other hand if the woman does not have sex within nine
weeks she will die. It is interesting how some knowledge of
AIDS transmission seems to have been appropriated into popular
folk beliefs.
Despite her
skepticism Ngozi undergoes a long and painful treatment by a
herbalist. This introduces a subsidiary theme in the film -
the efficacy of traditional African medicine. A scene is
interposed where a doctor scandalizes his colleagues by
suggesting that the West has been arrogant in rejecting the
wisdom of traditional healers. As the time for Ngozi's death
approaches, neither her husband nor an old lover can be
induced to have sex with her. She finally convinces Dimeji, a
doctor who had previously offended her with his advances. He
is immediately stricken and only saved by the herbalist. Ngozi
and Dimeji are reconciled and will apparently become a couple
and live happily ever after - despite her former antipathy and
marriage. Ironically the curse has forced Ngozi to become what
she was falsely accused of being - an adulteress - yet this is
certainly poetic justice for the perfidious Yinka. Dimeji says
he hopes Ngozi will not think all Yoruba men are cads; she
replies with the moral of the story: "there are only two
tribes, good and bad people."
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